Tuesday, September 17, 2013

Oromo Youth Association of Norway Condemns the Murdering of Eng. Tasfaahuun Camadaa, the Massacre in Kofalee and the Ethnic Cleansing Conflict in Anniyyaa, Oromia

The following is a statement from the Oromo Youth Association of Norway. The Association coordinated the Oromo peaceful rally held in Oslo, Norway, on September 14, 2013, to condemn the human rights violations in Oromia, especially, the murdering of Eng. Tasfaahuun Camadaa in the Abyssinian/Ethiopian prison of Qaallittii, the massacre in Kofalee, and the ethnic cleansing in Anniyyaa, Oromia.


Statement …
On September 14, 2013, the Oromo Youth in Norway protested against human rights violations and brutal killings by the dictatorial Ethiopian government. The main objective of the demonstration was to condemn the human rights violations in Ethiopia and the ethnic based abuses, as a result of which many Oromos are being arrested, tortured, killed, and thousands are disappearing. The trend of repression is increasing alarmingly and a huge number of Oromos have been jailed, tortured and exposed to inhuman conditions under fabricated charges. The TPLF/EPRDF leadership has a standing policy of protracted attacks against the Oromo people irrespective of age, sex, profession and occupation. To criminalize Oromo, being only Oromo is enough in Ethiopia.
Among the recent victims are Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda who died in Kaliti prison, the massacred Muslim Oromos in Kofale and the genocide against Oromos in Anniyyaa, Oromia.
According to Amnesty International, the Ethiopian regime stifled freedom of expression, severely restricting the activities of the independent media, political opposition parties and human rights organizations. Dissent was not tolerated in any sphere. The authorities imprisoned actual and perceived opponents of the government. Peaceful protests were suppressed. Arbitrary arrests and detention were common, and torture and other ill-treatment in detention centers were rife. Forced evictions were reported on a vast scale around the country.
Despite all these human rights violations, the Ethiopian government is getting huge amount of funds from Norwegian government, World Bank, European Union and the USA.
Meanwhile, the Oromo people are still dying to be heard regardless of the political and all sided suppression by the Ethiopian regime.
Therefore, we appeal to the Norwegian government, EU, USA and the international community:
• To stop funding the dictatorial Ethiopian government which uses the funds for suppressing, killing and torturing of the voiceless innocent Oromo people;
• To seek justice for Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda, who died in the Kaliti prison due to torture and ill-treatment by the Ethiopian government;
• To seek justice for all Oromo political prisoners, including the 21 Oromo students from different universities – who were sentenced to many years in prison under the so-called terrorism law by the TPLF kangaroo court;
• To seek justice for the twenty seven innocent Muslims, including 5 children, who were massacred in Kofalee, Arsi region of Oromia, by the Ethiopian government;
• Enforce the TPLF led Ethiopian government to stop the land grabbing and forced displacement in Oromia;
• Enforce the Ethiopian government to stop genocide and ethnic cleansing in Anniyyaa, Oromia;
• To support the Oromo and other victimized communities in Ethiopia to overcome injustice and help them to live in freedom, peace, and democracy, and achieve stability in the region.
Candlelight vigil was also held for Enginner Tesfahun Camada and victims of the Kofalee massacre.
Finally, all participants called upon all Oromo to come together, regardless of their religions and regions, to stand up together, hold hand in hand, and step the Oromo struggle forward.
Coordinators:
Oromo Youth Association Committee in Norway
- Email oromofirst.oromiya@gmail.com
- Facebook oromofirst@facebook.com

Oromo Youth Protest in Norway Oromo Youth Protest in Norway
Oromo Youth Protest in Norway
Oromo Youth Protest in Norway
Oromo Youth Protest in Norway
Oromo Youth Protest in Norway

The enemy of our struggle


The Oromo people (nation) as a nation existed as subjects and exist as subjects but will not exist as subjects until forever. The factors that forced us to be subjects are: physical enemies and abstract enemies.
The abstract enemy that fought us and continued to fight us is poverty, ignorance, disease, identity crisis, ill-bred compartments, cowardness, corrosion and corruption at societal and leadership level. Abstract enemy is the derivative of physical enemy and natural calamities.
The physical enemy represented by the Habeshan colonizers and their ally. The Habeshan colonizers are represented by their colonial elites. Habeshan colonial elite are represented by their colonial system. The system of dominating the colonized nations: politically, economically, militarily, socially and technologically. In all spheres the colonialists planted their own supremacy. Those Habeshan groups who lost their share of dominancy still try to push voice loudly. Those Habesha groups who are in power try to maintain their supremacy at the cost of colonized nations sons and daughters sacrifice. Knowingly or unknowingly the colonized people internal enemy emerged as pretending to defend as the rights of the colonized. There is no ready-made formula in society to solve social problems.
The historical experience of world nations to overcome their social evils give us hints which way or directions to go forward based on your own national social problems reality on the ground. The Oromo nation courageous men and leaders try to challenge their own way to face the colonizers. The resistance to defend ones land with backward instruments of war, the civil disobedience not to pay taxes, the braveness to practice one’s own national cultural practice under strict control, the boldness to organize oneself to help each other and promote social welfare are some of the historical the evidences to mention. Historical observations lead us to write the Habesha colonial system supported and advised by the western colonial masters from early days. The Habesha colonial system is the indirect subjugation of Oromo and other nation and nationalities in Ethiopian Empire. Indirect imposition of black men (Habesha) on Oromo and nation and nationalities is another form of colonization.
The classical colonizers like Great Britain, France and others. Their indirect influence in Anglophone and Francophone states is the secret in the sunshine. The external hidden hands in the name of holy alliance in the past replace by the common security interest smashed the natural rights and liberty of subjected people. The conscious elements of the subjected people fall under the trap of the border less direct and in direct colonizers. Our struggle to liberate our people vacillates from left to right from right to left without diminishing. It seems we are at the stage of consciously plan our strategy and tactics to promote Oromo national movement to well defined agenda. The conscious Oromo element that confronts the Habesha brutal colonial system is very few segments of Oromo society. As it is known the mass of Oromo population is peasantry. The majority of the peasant is trapped by WEYANES (TPLF) colonial propaganda system that blinded them to revolt in mass. Since the urban dwellers majority are the segments of Habesha society, their willingness to revolt against their Habesha elites dictators is very limited. The major Habesha power rivals and their followers are the causes of Oromo phobia. The cause of Oromo phobia is a fear to lose their political, economical and social supremacy.
The second cause is ignorance and incivility to live or to coexist peacefully and in happiness. The Habeshas who are trouble makers in the horn of Africa are 1) Amhara 2) Tigrians 3) Eritereans. The Amharas from their long experience of ruling crafts longing for the lost glory and prestige. Therefore shouts and make noises to replace hunger driven Weyanes to power 20 years ago. The hunger driven Weyanes who controlled the political, economical, the military, security, financial resources and media power of Ethiopian Empire will not willingly open their door to peace, rule of law, justice and liberty. The Eritereans as the winners of their freedom with confidence developed an ambition to influence the Horn of Africa militarily to safeguard their own national economic interest. The dangerous policy of Haile Selase that encouraged the combined alliance of these three groups was foiled at the cost of their rebelliousness and chauvinism.
The threatening danger that was sensed by the alliance of EPLF and TPLF was foiled by their own strategic mistakes and national interest conflict. With the huge military capability, there may be possibility of collaboration between EPLF and TPLF is a disastrous scenario to nations and nationalities in Ethiopia. If the rotten system in both Habesha countries fail, nobody can exactly tell what will happen. There may be possible scenario of EPLF and TPLF alliance may push to historical enemy alliance, which time will decide. The chauvinistic character of Amharas and historical enmity of Oromos will not allow the quick ready-made combination to confront the EPLF and TPLF scenario. The religions as power base in Ethiopia a disastrous scenario too. The win of Isalm in Ethiopia is the loss of christianity and the win of christianity is the loss of Islam in Ethiopia. Leave alone Islamization of Ethiopia democratization is the dream, the two social systems are the direct part of decolonization of Ethiopian Empire.  They fear democratization and tolerance of faiths. Because of their fear they killed innocent defenseless peasants and worshipers in the rural towns of Oromia and other places. The Habeshas fear democracy, justice, truth.  Those who fear enclose the brutality and beastness. That is  why they treat innocent Oromo citizens with brutality and pitiless hands.
The fragmentation or factionalism of Oromo political forces within and without confusing and disturbing, what is going to be in the next historical turning point. We Oromos lost the good opportunities offered by historical turning points. 1) at the end of the second world war 2) during 1974 Ethiopian revolution 3) during 1991/1992. The fertile conditions which were offered by historical events betrayed us. The miscalculation of Western Oromian elites to ask Great Britain trustship was lost because of the loss of modern political wisdom. How dare they managed to ask good wishes from their enemy’s friends. They forget that the bird in their hand was better than the bird in the desert. If they were wise enough to contact their brother in arm Garesu Duki in Shewa who commanded 10,000 well qualified rebel army at that time was the end of the story of Haile Selase.
The second turning point lost, young Oromo intellectuals and students who took part in 1974 revolution miscalculated to work with Habeshan military elites that overthrow the Emperor. Their attempt to organize agitate, and arm their people gradually working within the military junta cost them unnecessary sacrifice in the hands of beast military junta.
The third turning point1991/1992 was also another miscalculated move. They (OLF) leaders and their followers depended on the promise of the Western power and the hunger driven Weyanes. History repeated itself, the educated and experienced grandsons of Wetern Oromia as forerunners of 1991/1992 Oromo_Habesha alliance. The Habeshas are mischievous and betrayers. They have at their back foreigners at their face innocent, kind, and captive forceless Oromo individuals who do not think about tomorrow except temporary victory. Experience is intelligence and not learning from once experience and mistake is not better than ignorance.
What would be the next turning point for OROMOS?
The cloud of confusion, the darkness of ignorance, the sufferance of Oromo people, the fragmentation of Oromo political organizations, the Habeshas competition to replace one another and in mobilizing their resources worry us and to think again and again.
As usual the current Habesha movements have double fold:
1) To overthrow Weyane and replace Weyane
2) To block Oromo movements from its objective
The Oromo militants who seem or pretend to have new vision for Ethiopia should look back and past history and their own life experience not to abuse the next turning point at the door. Any practice of “my way the high way” is the threatening our national interest and incapability not to remedy the miscalculated action towards decisive historical turning points.
Is there an enemy within Oromo struggle camp? Is there hidden agenda within Oromo camp? Is there misunderstanding among Oromo leaders and intellectuals and the Oromo mass? Is there education gap between Borena Oromo and Barentu Oromo? Is there remote controlled enemy hand in our struggle? Is religious factor affecting our success? Are we the enemy of ourselves? Well it seems difficult to answer, but one thing is true our success as a nation retarded and stagnated.
It is difficult to accept enemy within the Oromo camp. If there was an enemy within Oromo camp it is difficult to gain evolutionary victories for Oromos under strict control of Habeshan. The leaders and members discipline and violation of laws and rules established by themselves and fail of victory, unnecessary sacrifice and suffering in the hands of the enemy and lack of immediate response to correct the damage collectively arose the sense of enmity within. Transparent and comradeship understanding of each other canceled from the vocabulary of OLF. Humiliating and despising each other was / is the rule of the day in OLF: emerged/emerging factious groups as mushrooms in the Oromian forest. OLF became the faction factory.
The genuine comradeship and brotherhood do not complicate to categorize as antagonistic relationship. There is no class or social enmity between Oromos, except their own weakness and negligence to solve it on time.
As far as Oromia is our concern there is no hidden agenda among Oromos .The national interest of Oromo is our concern. The existence of Oromia as the home land of Oromo and those who peacefully live within it, is our concern then where is our enmity?
When there is no ear to listen to each other, when there is no eye to see each other, where there are no hearts to attract each other, when there is no respect for each other, yes there is misunderstanding between the leaders and the followers. Where there is despise and backbiting, yes there is misunderstanding and a wide gap between the intellectuals and leadership. When one attempts to confuse rather convincing then it is misunderstanding.
Due to historical opportunities, there was generation education gap between Boran OROMO and the Barentu Oromo. The Boran Oromo educated elites partially failed to succeed to close the gap. Now the time is over. More or less there is a balance to go forward hand in hand together as equals not as senior and junior. The merging Barentu educated elites and the Boran seasoned elites should sit down to draft the road map for Oromo and Oromia before trying to deal with Habeshas.
The seriousness of knowing one’s enemy and common enemy help someone to be victorious in the struggle to decolonize OROMIA.
Unity is strength, Oromia, Oromumma, Oromo our inseparable trio to go forward.

Oromiyaa Biyya Koo Madda Sirna Gadaa


Dachii burqaa aadaa fi madda sirna Gadaa,
Kennaa uumamaa ti waajjirri kee odaa,
Irreechaa fi ateetee aadaas hedduu qabdaa,
Elellee fi shaggooyyee dhiichisaa fi ragada.
Biyya koo lalistuu qabeenyaan badhaatuu
Madda lageen hedduu gaarreniin marfamatu
Qabeenya addaa addaan kan baayyee hawamtu
Midhaan gosa hedduu fi albudaan faarfamtu.
Bosonaa fi qilleensa rooba ganna guutuu
Nyaata gosa hedduu baayyinaan kan qabdu
Biyyoo biyya abbaa koo hundaan badhaafamtuu
Oromiyaan keenya biyya jaallatamtuu.
Biyya dhadhaa fi dammaa dachii bunaa fi warqee
Badhaatuu hangaatuu qabeenyi ishee marge
Halagaa si saama mirga ilmaan kee sarbee
Yoom aara galfattaa kun hndumtuu darbee
Waa’ee biyya kootii an waan baayyeen faarsaa
Si irra fagaachuu kootu gar malee na aarsaa
Halkan hundaa ciiseen abjuudhaan si argaa
Galma hann’uura kootii dachii haadha margaa
Kan addunyyaaf fakkii biyya sirna Gadaa
Badhaatuu uumamaa kan hin qabne mudaa
Akkasitti hin haftuu gaaf tokko gmmaddaa
Ol ka’ii dubbadhu nus siif seennee waadaa.
Dachee koo dubbadhu meeqa beela baaftee? (2)
Lageen koo iyyadhu meeqa dheebuu baaftee?
Warteessuus halagaa hagam jiraachiftee?
Jabana hijiraas keessumota halalaa meeqa keessumsiiftee?
Iyyadhu Oromiyaa tasa hin callisinii (2)
Lmuu ilmaan nafxanyaa hin keesumsiisinii
Iyyii iyya labsi ilmaan kee dammaqsi
Gadaa kee deebisii addunyaadhaaf labsi.
Biyyuma kee irratti nagaa si dhorkattee
Bosona kee gubdee warqee kee buqqaaftee
Ilman awaannisaa dhakaa keessaa yaatee
Siin si agabsitee ofiif quuftee bultee???
Dachii koo dubbadhu meeqa jiraachiftee?
Hagam beela baafte meeqa dheebuu baaftee?
Ilmaan nafxanyootaa warteessuu guddiftee
Tolaan kee maaf bade maaf galata dhabdee?
Hrma kee xuxxuuxee harka kee irraa nyaatee
Si irratti guddatee dhala kee fakkatee
Nyaaphaaf si afeera sobaan si hawwatee
Kee lubbuu siif dhaba dhugaan si jaallatee.
Harras boo’aa jirta kan Tasfahun Camadaa
Ilmaan kee hundatu Lapheen Cabee gadda
Gumaa ilmaan kee baasuuf haaromsinee Waadaa
Gadda kees jijjiirree gaaf tokko gammaddaa.
Dubbadhu dachii koo tasa hin callisinii
Osoo wareegamtuu du’a kee hin dhoksinii
Dachii magariisa dhiigaan booressanii.
Ilmaan kee qaqqaalii hedduu ajjeesanii
Masaraa kee diiguun mana hidhaa ijaartee
Garii biyyaa yaasuun kaanis iyyoomsitee
Osoo nuti jirruu maaliif tuffatamtee,
Ati hortee qabdaa nutu si dagatee
Qaamnni hundaa cirmee gar malee madooftee
Walii galteen kahee nama hidhuuf dhabdee
Maaf irratti ilaaltu hundattoo dhaammattee
Yaa ilmaan koo maaloo na dhaqqabaa jettee.
Dhaamsa ishee dhagahaa waan jabaa dubbattee
Isin alaa wal nyaattuu diinni natti ammattee
Osoo isin jirtanii mirga koo sarbitee
Lafa irraa daguugdee daa’imman koo fixee
Jaarraa tokkoon dura jaarsa kabajamaa addunyaan hawwitu,
Abbaa keessan kunoo Bokkuu harkaa darbattee diinni kan salphistu’
Qaanii hagas gahu gurraan dhaageessanii ijaanis argitu
Waan haaraa maal qabdu me deebii naaf kennaa isin maalitti jirtuu?
Shamarran koos kunoo hedduun biyyaa yaatee
Hormi itti taphatee gar malee dhaanamtee
Gariis gurguramtee kaan allattiin nyaattee
Baayyees galena irraa qurxummiin hirmaattee
Nyaaphaan cunqurfamee yartuun tuffatamee
Mirga koo uumamaa borxaadhaan sarbamee
Hagamin jiraadha gadootti ilaalamee
Jetteetu dubbattee Aayyoon dararmtee
Kolonii balleessuuf warraaqsi dawwaa dhaa
Cunqursaa sabummaa maalumaafan baadhaa
Kanaafan wawwaadha eenyummaan himadhaa
Diinaa fi firri haa beekuu biyyi koo Oromiyaa dha
Harras boris taanaan anis oromoo dhaa……….
Abdii Borii

In Ethiopia, state controls hold back a waking giant

By Richard Lough and Aaron Maasho
  • Ethiopia’s revival a tale of Africa Rising
  • Nation still overshadowed by charismatic former leader
  • Hailemariam cautious on opening state-dominated economy
  • Ruling coalition keeps ethnic rifts in check
ADDIS ABABA, Sept 17 (Reuters) – When global drinks giant Diageo bought a brewery in Ethiopia, it paid a premium for a stake in a barely tapped African market that in the 1980s had spectacularly failed to feed its own population.
Diageo paid $225 million for state-owned Meta Abo, joining a list of firms seeking a foothold in Africa’s second most populous nation that was once run by communists and now has an emerging middle class after a decade of double-digit growth.
“We paid a premium of course and that was a deliberate decision … We knew the value of what we were buying,” Francis Agbonlahor, Diageo’s managing director at Meta Abo, told Reuters in a capital that boasts smart highways and new office blocks.
Ethiopia is now sub-Saharan Africa’s fifth biggest economy, leap-frogging next door Kenya and wooing investors from Sweden, Britain and China, as other emerging markets lose some of their shine.
Few nations can better tell the story of “Africa Rising”, the narrative of a hopelessly mismanaged and violent continent now prized for strong growth and, in many cases, the kind of political stability scarcely imaginable a decade or two ago.
Yet like other African nations, Ethiopia must now work out how to maintain economic momentum as the U.S. Federal Reserve starts to turn off the taps of easy money that drove investors to more adventurous markets, and when China’s economy and those of other emerging powers start to shift down a gear.
That means another tricky transition for Ethiopia, which has until now relied on the state to run its economy, but which has seen growth rates slip to 7-8 percent, short of the level needed for its goal of middle income status by 2025.
“When you are starting from a very low base with a lot of donor support, it is easy enough to grow in a strong, robust way,” said Razia Khan, head of Africa research for Standard Chartered bank. “As the economy matures … it is going to become a lot more difficult.”
DILEMMA
Opening up the economy, as many businesses at home and abroad want, could draw in new investment but may also loosen the controls that can be exerted by a government made up of ethnic and regional parties that has carefully managed development and kept a lid on rivalries.
That is the dilemma for Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and his cabinet, who still work in the shadow of Meles Zenawi, the rebel-turned-statesman who ruled with an iron grip for two decades until he died last year. Caution remains the watchword.
“We are not ready now,” Foreign Affairs Minister Tedros Adhanom told Reuters when asked if Ethiopia could open up its mobile network or banks, prime targets for foreign investors.
Concerns about a deepening rich-poor divide and worries about changing the tried and tested policies of a charismatic leader, all weigh in to deter officials from a big shift.
But moving too slowly risks squandering investor enthusiasm and damaging the prospects of a nation once best known for “Red Terror” purges under communist rule in the 1970s and its 1980s famine. For now, at least, it has not deterred investors.
“I was in India recently and the thing that caught me by surprise (when talking) to foreign investors (was) the country that kept being mentioned was Ethiopia,” said Khan.
Diageo is not alone in seeing the potential. Heineken of Holland and France‘s BGI Castel have snapped up breweries, which were among first state firms to be sold off.
The Ethiopian Investment Agency says Unilever and Nestle are sniffing around, and South Korea’s Samsung told Reuters it was exploring Ethiopia as a place to assemble its electronic goods. The two European companies did not comment.
Hennes & Mauritz (H&M), the world’s second biggest fashion retailer, has put in test orders as the nation seeks to boost textile exports to $1 billion a year by 2016 from $100 million last year.
H&M spokeswoman Marie Rosenlind said that, if the tests were successful, production could start this autumn.
LENDING SUPPORT
With manufacturing accounting for just 4 percent of gross domestic product, Ethiopia needs such investors to help reduce its reliance on exports of coffee, horticultural products and livestock that have driven growth until now. It also remains one of the world’s biggest recipients of aid.
“No other country that I’m aware of, aside from these resource-rich countries, … can go to middle-income status with still 50 percent of GDP on agriculture,” Guang Z. Chen, the World Bank’s country director, told Reuters in a June interview.
China could lend support, though this time not in the usual form of donations that have helped African growth till now.
Chinese shoe exporter Huajian has announced plans to co-invest $2 billion in an industrial zone outside Addis Ababa to bolster its Ethiopian exports and create up to 100,000 jobs.
The African Development Bank says a switch by Beijing towards domestic consumption may boost manufacturing in African economies like Ethiopia, where labour is cheap and power is a third of the price in China.
Ethiopia is building a huge dam on the upper reaches of the Blue Nile, part of plans to export electricity in a few years.
Until now, the most visible signs of growth are in the capital, where building sites clad in wooden scaffolding have mushroomed. In the upmarket Bole Medhane Alem suburb, an emerging middle class is enjoying new luxuries.
A fast-food outlet sells burgers and fries for a just over $4, more than many Ethiopians earn for several days’ work. “We’re not coping with demand,” said one employee.
At a nearby coffee house, whose logo mimics Starbucks, hip youths in low-cut jeans sip frappuccinos and caramel macchiatos.
“The middle class is growing and is really increasing its purchasing power,” said 18-year-old Yohannes, sitting near a billboard advertising two new residential tower blocks carrying the slogan: “From shabby to chic. Witness the transformation.”
“I WON’T BE ONE OF THEM”
Yet for some, change is not being felt, including those in the capital’s tin-roofed slums.
“You can see it all around you, there are rich people. But I am not going to be one of them,” said Elias Zelalem, a teenager who earns $1.60 a day shining shoes — if business is brisk.
Ethiopia’s ambition is to achieve middle income status in 12 years time, defined by the World Bank as a per capita income of $1,430. In 2012, Ethiopia’s per capita income was $410.
Yet to do this, Ethiopia’s $43 billion economy needs to repeat the 10.7 percent average annual growth achieved in 2004 to 2011. Some question whether the state’s determination to meet this target is coming at the cost of private business.
“We have to overcome poverty. How fast we should do this, therein lies the difference (of opinion),” said Zafu Eyessus Zafu, whose United Insurance Company is a shareholder in a commercial bank. He wants financial services open to foreigners.
Two thirds of Ethiopia’s 8.5 percent growth in 2011/12 was due to public spending, the World Bank said. Half of spending needs are raised domestically, leaving little for private firms.
“If we need 50 million birr ($2.7 million) from the bank we may get 20-25 million,” said a truck importer who identified himself as Taye, wary of using his full name in a nation where the state has long kept a tight lid on dissent and criticism.
“For foreign currency it is impossible. We can apply to the bank and wait a month or more,” he added.
PROVEN POLICY
The credit crunch is deepened by a state-imposed requirement that each time a bank lends cash it must loan an additional 27 percent of the loan’s value to the government in the form of a low-interest Treasury bond to help fund development projects.
But the government shows no change of tack. Reining in the state would challenge the vision of Meles, whose portrait still hangs in government offices.
“There is no need to look for policy changes at this time,” deputy premier Muktar Kedir told Reuters earlier this year.
“We are of the mind that we have to fully implement the policy that has already proven itself successful,” he said.
A policy shift could open rifts along ethnic lines in the coalition made up of four main regional parties. There is little room for anyone who might challenge the status quo.
Without the force of personality or reputation of his predecessor, Hailemariam has shown no sign he has the political will or clout to veer from Meles’ path.
That may mean Ethiopia has to be content with slower growth and investors will need patience.
“Ethiopia is missing out in several respects,” said Standard Chartered’s Khan. “But there is this very cautious policy.”
Reuters